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yucca plant indoor fertilizer

yucca plant indoor fertilizer Full Size Yucca Cane

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Description

yucca plant indoor fertilizer Full Size Yucca CaneDescription The Yucca brings sculptural beauty and southwestern charm right into your home. With those distinctive sword shaped leaves arranged in perfect rosettes and the promise of towering Yucca flower spikes, this resilient beauty transforms any space into a desert inspired sanctuary. Native to the Americas and naturally adapted for easy living, your Yucca tree thrives with gentle care and understanding. We love how forgiving these plants are

Description

The Yucca brings sculptural beauty and southwestern charm right into your home. With those distinctive sword-shaped leaves arranged in perfect rosettes and the promise of towering Yucca flower spikes, this resilient beauty transforms any space into a desert-inspired sanctuary.

Native to the Americas and naturally adapted for easy living, your Yucca tree thrives with gentle care and understanding. We love how forgiving these plants are - they're wonderful companions for both new plant parents and experienced collectors who appreciate low-maintenance elegance. Whether you choose a smaller Yucca for your favorite corner or a statement-sized specimen for your living room, this plant will grow alongside you for decades, adding timeless beauty to your carefully curated space.

Care 

Are yuccas hard to care for?

Yuccas are wonderfully forgiving plants that make excellent choices for both beginners and experienced plant lovers. These resilient beauties adapt well to various conditions and don't mind if you occasionally forget to water them, requiring mainly bright light and patience.

We find that most plant parents quickly fall in love with how understanding these plants are. Think of your Yucca as that low-maintenance friend who always looks great - minimal fuss, maximum beauty, and always ready to brighten your day.


Do Yuccas like full sun or shade? 

Your Yucca absolutely thrives in bright light and loves soaking up full sun whenever possible, though it gracefully tolerates partial shade too. Indoors, we recommend placing it near your brightest window where it can enjoy optimal growing conditions.

The more sunshine your Yucca receives, the more likely you'll be rewarded with those spectacular sword-like leaves and potentially even those magnificent flower spikes that make these plants so special.


How often should you water yuccas?

Water your Yuccas every two to three weeks during spring and summer, allowing the top few inches of soil to dry completely between waterings. In winter, reduce watering to once monthly as these desert natives prefer staying dry.

When you do water, give it a thorough drink until water flows from the drainage holes, then let it rest. We always tell our customers that with Yucca plant care, it's better to underwater than overwater.


Where is the best place to keep a yucca plant?

The perfect home for your Yucca is near a bright, sunny window with good drainage and adequate air circulation. We love seeing them in entryways, living rooms, or anywhere their stunning silhouette can create a natural focal point.

Choose a spot where your plant can show off its striking beauty while staying safely away from cold drafts and heating vents. Your Yucca will reward you with steady, graceful growth in return.


What is the best fertilizer to use for yuccas?

Feed your Yucca with a balanced, all-purpose fertilizer diluted to half strength every few months during the spring and summer growing season. Skip fertilizing completely in fall and winter when your plant naturally rests and doesn't need extra nutrients.

We recommend keeping fertilizing simple and gentle. These plants evolved in nutrient-poor soils, so less is definitely more when it comes to feeding your beautiful Yucca.


Do yuccas need misting?

Yuccas don't need misting and actually prefer the dry indoor conditions that many other houseplants find challenging. These desert natives thrive in average home humidity and excessive moisture can sometimes lead to fungal issues on their leaves.

Save your spray bottle for other plants - your Yucca is perfectly content with the natural humidity levels in your home and will thank you for respecting its low-moisture preferences.


How long do yuccas live for?

Your Yucca can become a treasured long-term companion, often living for several decades with proper care and sometimes reaching fifty years or more. We love knowing that these plants can grow alongside families, becoming more beautiful with each passing year.

This makes them wonderful investments for anyone looking to create lasting beauty in their space. There's something deeply satisfying about nurturing a plant that can be part of your home for decades.


Are yuccas good indoor plants?

Yuccas make absolutely wonderful indoor plants thanks to their striking sculptural presence, remarkable resilience, and refreshingly low maintenance requirements. They bring that perfect combination of dramatic visual impact and easy-going personality that works beautifully in modern homes and offices.

We particularly appreciate how well they adapt to typical indoor conditions that challenge many other houseplants. Your Yucca will thrive in the dry air and bright light that most homes naturally provide.




Pet-friendly?

Yuccas are not pet friendly. They contain compounds called steroidal saponins that are harmful to pets if ingested. For the wellbeing of your furry family members, please keep these beautiful plants safely out of reach of curious paws and mouths.


Are yuccas poisonous to dogs?

Yuccas are toxic to dogs due to steroidal saponins found throughout the plant. If your pup decides to sample the foliage, they may experience drooling, vomiting, diarrhea, and weakness that requires immediate veterinary attention for their safety.

We always recommend positioning your Yucca where even the most curious dogs can't reach it - perhaps on a high plant stand or in a room that's typically off-limits to your four-legged friends.


Are yuccas toxic to cats?

Yuccas are definitely harmful to cats, potentially causing drooling, vomiting, diarrhea, and weakness if your feline friend decides to investigate with their teeth. Since cats are natural climbers and plant explorers, extra care is needed with placement.

Consider a high shelf or hanging arrangement where your kitty can admire your Yucca's beautiful form from a safe, non-nibbling distance. Your cat's safety is always worth the extra planning.



Factoids

What is a yucca plant?

A Yucca plant is a perennial evergreen with rosettes of sword-shaped leaves and occasional tall spikes of fragrant white or cream flowers. These beauties belong to the asparagus family and are native to arid regions throughout North and Central America.

 

Is a yucca a cactus?

A Yucca isn't actually a cactus, despite their shared appreciation for dry conditions and desert landscapes. While cacti belong to the Cactaceae family, Yuccas are proud members of the asparagus family, making them botanical cousins rather than siblings.


Is yucca a perennial or an annual?

Your Yucca is definitely a perennial plant, meaning it will grace your home for many years rather than completing its life cycle in just one season. This long-term commitment makes it such a rewarding choice for anyone wanting to build lasting relationships with their plants.


Are yuccas poisonous to humans?

Yuccas contain saponins that can cause stomach upset, vomiting, and diarrhea in humans if consumed in significant quantities. The naturally bitter taste usually prevents accidental consumption, but it's wise to keep them away from curious children and adults who might experiment.

We always recommend treating all houseplants as "look but don't taste" and washing hands after handling any plant, just to be safe and maintain good plant care habits.


Do yucca plants multiply?

Yucca plants naturally multiply by producing small offshoots or pups around the base of the mother plant. You can separate them when they're large enough. Many species spread through underground rhizomes, while others can grow from stem cuttings with patience.

This natural tendency to produce new plants makes them wonderful for sharing with friends or expanding your own collection over time. There's something magical about watching a single plant become many.


Can you eat yucca?

You cannot eat the Yucca plant root, which contains high levels of toxic saponins. It’s often confused with edible yuca or cassava. Some Yucca flower varieties are used in traditional Central American and Mexican cuisines when prepared by experienced cooks.

We always recommend leaving any food preparation involving plant materials to experts and treating your houseplant Yucca as purely ornamental for safety and peace of mind.


Do Yuccas purify the air?

Yuccas help improve your indoor air quality by naturally filtering toxins like formaldehyde and benzene from your environment, contributing to a healthier home atmosphere. Those broad leaves work quietly to process the air around them throughout the day and night.

While they're not the strongest air purifiers in the plant world, every little bit helps, and you get the added bonus of stunning architectural beauty alongside their air-cleaning benefits.


What part of yuccas are medicinal?

The root of certain Yucca species, particularly Yucca schidigera, contains beneficial compounds that have been studied for their anti-inflammatory properties. However, the raw root itself isn't safe for home consumption and requires professional preparation for any medicinal use.

We always recommend leaving medicinal plant preparation to qualified professionals and enjoying your beautiful houseplant Yucca purely for its ornamental qualities and air-purifying benefits.



Buy a Yucca

Your perfect Yucca is waiting to transform your space into something extraordinary. These remarkable plants bring decades of beauty with surprisingly little effort – exactly what busy plant lovers need.

We help you discover the Yucca that matches your vision perfectly. 

Our live video calls mean you'll actually see your chosen plant growing in our greenhouse before we carefully pack it for the journey to you. There's something wonderful about knowing exactly which plant will be arriving at your door. We believe the best plant relationships start with the right match, and we're excited to help you begin this beautiful, long-lasting partnership.

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John J. Tivenan
Whiting, US
★★★★★ 5
Real history; not fanciful wishful thinking and self-congratulatory claptrap.
Format: Paperback
Perhaps the most significant, insightful, and honest American history book ever written.
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Reviewed in the United States on June 4, 2026
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R. Russell Bittner
Birmingham, US
★★★★★ 5
“This country is not in good condition.” Calvin Coolidge, 1931. (p. 387).
Apart from his unique view of American history and of his treatment of many of the landmark events of that history, Howard Zinn gives us any number of interesting and noteworthy observations in the course of this 700-page text. I beg your indulgence while we look at just a few…. On p. 73, “(t)o say that the Declaration of Independence, even by its own language, was limited to life, liberty and happiness for white males is not to denounce the makers and signers of the Declaration for holding the ideas expected of privileged males of the eighteenth century. Reformers and radicals, looking discontentedly at history, are often accused of expecting too much from a past political epoch – and sometimes they do. But the point of noting those outside the arc of human rights in the Declaration is not, centuries late and pointlessly, to lay impossible moral burdens on that time. It is to try to understand the way in which the Declaration functioned to mobilize certain groups of Americans, ignoring others. Surely, inspirational language to create a secure consensus is still used, in our time, to cover up serious conflicts of interest in that consensus, and to cover up, also, the omission of large parts of the human race.” And then, on p. 96: “(t)he problem of democracy in the post-Revolutionary society was not, however, the Constitutional limitations on voting. It lay deeper, beyond the Constitution, in the division of society into rich and poor. For if some people had great wealth and great influence; if they had the land, the money, the newspapers, the church, the educational system – how could voting, however broad, cut into such power? There was still another problem: wasn’t it the nature of representative government, even when most broadly based, to be conservative, to prevent tumultuous change?” For the answer to that last question, we can, of course, always turn to the pleasantly incendiary words of no less than Thomas Jefferson, which Mr. Zinn naturally and deftly does: “‘I hold it that a little rebellion now and then is a good thing…. It is a medicine necessary for the sound health of government…. God forbid that we should ever be twenty years without such a rebellion…. The Tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants. It is its natural manure.’” One can only imagine how Jefferson would’ve reacted to the following open letter penned by Ralph Waldo Emerson to President Van Buren in 1838 as the still young nation hung its head in shame for the Trail of Tears it had just blazed: “(t)he soul of man, the justice, the mercy that is the heart’s heart in all men, from Maine to Georgia, does abhor this business…a crime is projected that confounds our understanding by its magnitude, a crime that really deprives us as well as the Cherokees of a country for how could we call the conspiracy that should crush these poor Indians our government, or the land that was cursed by their parting and dying imprecations our country any more? You, sir, will bring down that renowned chair in which you sit into infamy if your seal is set to this instrument of perfidy; and the name of this nation, hitherto the sweet omen of religion and liberty, will stink to the world” (p. 147). Was the very noble Van Buren at all distressed by the death of thousands of Cherokee Indians along this Trail of Tears when, at the end of the same year, he spoke to Congress? “It affords sincere pleasure to apprise the Congress of the entire removal of the Cherokee Nation of Indians to their new homes west of the Mississippi. The measures authorized by Congress at its last session have had the happiest effects” (p. 148). (Emphasis is mine.) And if you think that all of the wars the U. S. participated in right up to Vietnam were “good” wars (as I did until now), consider what we have in the way of a diary entry from a certain Colonel Hitchcock: “I have said from the first that the United States are the aggressors…. We have not one particle of right to be here…. It looks as if the government sent a small force on purpose to bring on a war, so as to have a pretext for taking California and as much of this country as it chooses, for, whatever becomes of this army, there is no doubt of a war between the United States and Mexico…. My heart is not in this business … but, as a military man, I am bound to execute orders” (p. 151). As I’ve already said, Zinn has a singular way of characterizing some of history’s more significant events. As yet another example, I give you the following from p. 171 (on the first page of Chapter 9, titled “Slavery without Submission, Emancipation without Freedom”: “…it was Abraham Lincoln who freed the slaves, not John Brown. In 1859, John Brown was hanged, with federal complicity, for attempting to do by small-scale violence what Lincoln would do by large-scale violence several years later – end slavery.” And lest there still be any doubt about Abraham Lincoln’s position on American blacks and the issue of slavery, Zinn gives us these two very telltale quotes: “I will say, then, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races; that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people…. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race” (p. 188). Moreover, and in direct response to the Editor of the New York Tribune, Horace Greeley, we find this (on p. 191): “Dear Sir: … I have not meant to leave any one in doubt…. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or destroy Slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about Slavery and the colored race, I do because it helps to save this Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union…. I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty, and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men, everywhere, could be free. Yours, A. Lincoln.” But history (and human “progress”) moves on – and so, we have this: “(i)n 1877, (the year, according to David Burbank, in his book REIGN OF THE RABBLE, ‘no American city has come so close to being ruled by a workers’ soviet, as we would now call it, as St. Louis, Missouri’ – p. 250), the same year blacks learned they did not have enough strength to make real the promise of equality in the Civil War, working people learned they were not united enough, not powerful enough, to defeat the combination of private capital and government power” (p. 251). And Zinn then opens Chapter 11 (“Robber Barons and Rebels”) with this: “(i)n the year 1877, the signals were given for the rest of the century: the black would be put back; the strikes of white workers would not be tolerated; the industrial and political elites of North and South would take hold of the country and organize the greatest march of economic growth in human history. They would do it with the aid of, and at the expense of, black labor, white labor, Chinese labor, European immigrant labor, female labor, rewarding them differently by race, sex, national origin, and social class, in such a way as to create separate levels of oppression – a skillful terracing to stabilize the pyramid of wealth” (p. 253). For those who think the “Occupy Wall Street” movement of the new millennium was a singular invention of the millennial generation, you might want to consider what Mary Ellen Lease, of the newly formed People’s Party, had to tell those assembled at that party’s first convention in 1890 in Topeka, KS: “Wall Street owns the country. It is no longer a government of the people, by the people, and for the people, but a government of Wall Street, by Wall Street and for Wall Street…. Our laws are the output of a system which clothes rascals in robes and honesty in rags…. The politicians said we suffered from overproduction. Overproduction, when 10,000 little children … starve to death every year in the U. S. and over 100,000 shop girls in New York are forced to sell their virtue for bread…. “There are thirty men in the United States whose aggregate wealth is over one and one-half billion dollars. There are half a million looking for work…. We want money, land and transportation. We want the abolition of the National Banks, and we want the power to make loans direct from the government. We want the accursed foreclosure system wiped out…. We will stand by our homes and stay by our firesides by force if necessary, and we will not pay our debts to the loan-shark companies until the Government pays its debts to us. “The people are at bay, let the bloodhounds of money who have dogged us thus far beware” (p. 288). For those (like me until now) who’ve always thought only the best of Teddy Roosevelt, the following two direct quotes – not to mention William James’s rejoinder – might be a bit of a news-breaker: “(i)n strict confidence…I should welcome almost any war, for I think this country needs one” (p. 297). And in his address to the Naval War College, he has this to say: “(a)ll the great masterful races have been fighting races…. No triumph of peace is quite so great as the supreme triumph of war” (p. 300). Thankfully – and from James – comes the sobering suggestion that he (Roosevelt) “gushes over war as the ideal condition of human society, for the manly strenuousness which it involves, and treats peace as a condition of blubberlike and swollen ignobility, fit only for huckstering weaklings, dwelling in gray twilight and heedless of the higher life…” (p. 300). For those who think Obama’s recent initiative at a rapprochement with Cuba bodes well for that impoverished Caribbean island, you might want to consider what another historian, Philip Foner, writes about the last time (towards the end of the nineteenth century) this country took a keen interest in Old Havana: “(e)ven before the Spanish flag was down in Cuba, U. S. business interests set out to make their influence felt. Merchants, real estate agents, stock speculators, reckless adventurers, and promoters of all kinds of get-rich schemes flocked to Cuba by the thousands. Seven syndicates battled each other for control of the franchises for the Havana Street Railway, which were finally won by Percival Farquhar, representing the Wall Street interests of New York. Thus, simultaneously with the military occupation began … commercial occupation” (p. 310). But it gets even better on the other side of the planet, and the same William James who pronounced upon the clearly bellicose character of Teddy Roosevelt has the last word on American behavior in the Pacific: “God dam* the U. S. for its vile conduct in the Philippine Isles” (p. 315). And on that same subject, consider what none other than Mark Twain has to say: “(w)e have pacified some thousands of the islanders and buried them; destroyed their fields; burned their villages, and turned their widows and orphans out-of-doors; furnished heartbreak by exile to some dozens of disagreeable patriots; subjugated the remaining ten millions by Benevolent Assimilation, which is the pious new name of the musket; we have acquired property in the three hundred concubines and other slaves of our business partner, the Sultan of Sulu, and hoisted our protecting flag over that sway. “And so, by these Providences of God – and the phrase is the government’s, not mine – we are a World Power” (p. 316). Where, by the way, was all of this war-mongering and industrial development at breakneck speed headed? Zinn’s choice of a quote from Sinclair Lewis’s BABBITT couldn’t be more appropriate: “(i)t was the best of nationally advertised and quantitatively produced alarm-clocks, with all modern attachments, including cathedral chime, intermittent alarm, and a phosphorescent dial. Babbitt was proud of being awakened by such a rich device. Socially it was almost as creditable as buying expensive cord tires. “He sulkily admitted now that there was no more escape, but he lay and detested the grind of the real-estate business, and disliked his family, and disliked himself for disliking them” (pp. 383-384). Two more brief quotes from Howard Zinn himself, and then I’ll conclude. On p. 636, “(w)e may, in the coming years, be in a race for the mobilization of middle-class discontent.” And almost immediately following, on p. 637, “(c)apitalism has always been a failure for the lower classes. It is now beginning to fail for the middle classes.” I suggested, at the beginning of this review, that Howard Zinn had a “unique view of American history.” That suggestion was in no sense ironic or tongue-in-cheek. After a couple of weeks and 700+ pages, I can only say that this is some of the most valuable reading time I’ve ever spent. I’m humbled – and yes, also somewhat ashamed – that I’ve discovered this historian and his work at the very ripe old age of 64. I obviously wish it could’ve been sooner. But as it was not, the next best thing I could do was give my copy of A PEOPLE'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, still slightly warm to the touch, to my daughter on the occasion of her 21st birthday. God willing, she’ll grow up better informed than I – at the very least, about the country whose passport she carries. RRB 06/08/15 Brooklyn, NY
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Reviewed in the United States on June 9, 2015
J
Verified Purchase
John Klinger
Birmingham, US
★★★★★ 5
A must read
Format: Paperback
Great book! Show what you should eat to help yourself. Everyone should read this book.
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Reviewed in the United States on March 30, 2026
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Verified Purchase
Dark Angel
Houston, US
★★★★★ 4
Worthwhile Read
Format: Hardcover
Extremely insightful.
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Reviewed in the United States on May 11, 2026
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Verified Purchase
William Echols
Cuba, US
★★★★★ 5
Beyond the Usual Left/Right bifurcation
When thinking about Howard Zinn's "A People's History of the United States, I am reminded of E.H. Carr's seminal work "What is History?" whereby he stated: "The belief in a hard core of historical facts existing objectively and independently of the interpretation of the historian is a preposterous fallacy, but one which it is very hard to eradicate". As Carr famously stated, millions of people had crossed the Rubicon, but only Julius Caesar's crossing in 49 BC has been given normative value by historians. For those familiar with the philosophical treatment of historical understanding in Tolstoy's War and Peace, this sentiment will ring true. A People's History is designed to give voice to those millions who passed the rubicon but never found their way into the annuals of history. A couple of points. This book was intended to be a supplement as opposed to a strictly chronological account of history that will give you the bullet points for the most important people, dates and events. [sic] It is not meant to be a replacement for a more standardized textbook. Secondly, Zinn did not hate America, and he in fact stated: "I want young people to understand that ours is a beautiful country, but it has been taken over by men who have no respect for human rights or constitutional liberties. Our people are basically decent and caring, and our highest ideals are expressed in the Declaration of Independence, which was that all of us have an equal right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. The history of our country, I point out in my book, is a striving, against corporate robber barons and war makers, to make those ideals a reality-and all of us, of whatever age, can find immense satisfaction in becoming part of that." Regardless of your political position, between the Great Recession and the Iraq war, there is a relevance to this sentiment that cuts across political lines. Now, what one will notice in the bulk of the one star reviews is the sense that either the reviewer has not read the book, they copied and pasted their criticism from another source or they have strictly given the book one star because it does not conform with their view of reality. "Blame America first", "socialism", "communism", "Marx, "liberal propaganda", you can easily get the gist of the talking points because many American conservatives apparently got the same memo in dismissing anything they don't agree with. The disservice they do to themselves and the sphere of ideas in the outright dismissal of any perspective which does not conform to their own is truly sad. When someone gives a book one star merely for not conforming to their view of reality,they have obviously lost the plot. In university I knew many conservative history professors who liked and used Zinn's work. They believed it was important to incorporate and deal with the claims that Zinn made. You cannot whitewash history and blindly stick by the most comforting narrative. That does not mean that one should agree with Zinn's conclusions or think that he has a monopoly on the truth. Zinn himself would not have wanted that. For those who claim Zinn is a socialist or any other kind of -ist, that he is not completely objective, they have obviously never done any research. Pure positivism was dismissed long ago. Even Max Webber started that our subjective bias comes in the moment we choose to study something, for by seeing the subject matter as valuable, we have placed a normative value on it. There is no pure value objectivity, stating one's position and bias from the outset is what responsible social scientists do these days. A dryly academic text with an obvious bias concealed by a detached form of writing gives a falsely omniscient perspective whose reality is psychological but not objective. However they write, they are just a person, and without expressing their biases it will inevitably turn up in their work without necessarily being obvious. This is far more dangerous than what Zinn does in stating his bias from the outset. So it is a red herring to dismiss Zinn for having a perspective. We all have one and it will come into whatever we do. There is no knowable, objective reality (for humans) living in the Platonic world of perfect forms. History was a puzzle of immeasurable size that was blown apart and the pieces scattered over the cosmos. The vast majority of the pieces are gone, never to return. We are stabbing at an imperfect speculation, not ultimate truth when we engage in historical study. Any physicist will tell you that the particle wave duality of light has pretty much closed the book on the notion that we can objectively, perfectly know anything. This book is important because the poison of partisan politics has come to dominate even the dialogue of academic research. If the sole criterion for giving a book one star is the notion that you don't agree with its thesis, then you obviously live in a fragile world and are incapable of being challenged intellectually. This book is of the upmost importance for the conservative to read and digest. In developing a coherent narrative of the United States, you need to wrestle with its sins and determine, despite our historical shortcomings and transgressions, what is it that makes this imperfect union the pinnacle of nation states if one agrees with that prospect. For the liberal, you should not view Zinn's work as the last word on anything, but rather use it as a stepping stone to further develop your own historical understanding and consider how well has American done on a relative scale in light of the political, societal and human failings that have marred all human civilizations. This book is well worth the challenges it presents, and should be a 5 star treat for the conservative who loves his country and wants to develop the most cogent and nuanced argument as to why that is the case despite those unsettling realities to be found in this book as well as the liberal who wants to give voice to his disaffection with certain aspects of American society and the reasons why we need to change it. This is not another tool in the mindless and poisonous Manichean bifurcation of American politics. It is a vehicle to help you strengthen and deepen your understanding of US history, regardless from which direction you are coming. Recommended to all who are interested in the journey of learning as opposed to a presupposed outcome that serves a vested interest.
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Reviewed in the United States on February 13, 2010

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